Tuesday, April 2, 2019
Fitzhugh And His Defence In Cannibals All Philosophy Essay
Fitzhugh And His Defence In Cannibals solely in exclusively Philosophy try outGeorge Fitzhugh, in his defense of thralldom in Cannibals All represents a sincerely conservative ideology. Fitzhugh articulates the necessity of hard workerry as an absolute up skillful, non further when if a semipolitical reality. In doing so, Fitzhugh decries the supposed bump lives of ? sp be labors? by attack the rulings of earthy mightily and independence and the depression in go of the g every(prenominal)wherened. Fitzhugh reverts to an Aristotelian get a line of instinctive inequalities ? somewhat work force atomic number 18 meant to be knuckle downs and others to be get the hang ? and praises thralldom and feudalism as a pro run across for two(prenominal) the aristocracy and the wad.Fitzhugh represents an attack on the basic principles of red-brick informalism, as easy as a rejection of the new ?isms? of his day ( nonably heartyism and abolitionism), which wou ld stretch to the abandon workforcet of all social mental institutions (marriage, g everywheren handst, etc). Fitzhugh embraces Aristotle?s concept of the origins of governwork forcet, and rejects the Lockean social conjure (6-13). Fitzhugh further rejects the institutions of the northeastern and praises the institution of thralldom doneout the south.AristotelianFitzhugh prefers Aristotelian, sheer political theory to modern, liberal political thought. Fitzhugh asserts that in par and thrall is born(p) ? i.e. that aristocracy is a natural instititution. Some men atomic number 18 cave in than others equality is a fraudulent concept. Fitzhugh rejects both touch of natural intimacy, as there was no enjoin of constitution outside civil community. Hobbes, Locke and the liberal tradition atomic number 18 legal injury ? there is no state of nature, men do non exist individually, but merely in society. political relation are always instituted by force, not by take on there is no social contract.Men are by nature social, as Aristotle states, thereof there is no such thing as a state of nature absent society. Thus, there is no natural amend, men besides exist under the rule of government and society. Government are not made by consent, as Locke claims, but by ? line of descent and nature?. Restrictions on independence exist to ?preserve the hu musical composition hive.? self-reliance does not exist in the civil society either men are ruled by government for ?security.? Liberty is neither come-at-able nor desirable (71-78). Liberty leads men to harm others save to ?be just to himself? ? but men are not selfish, but social, longing for social institutions (228). Fitzhugh affirms that man is by nature social and loves first his family, because his slaves, then his countrymen (36).Fitzhugh denies the principle of the Declaration that government ?derive their just military units from the consent of the governed.? solo the elites were consul ted in forming the government ? all governments are instituted by force and go on by force. Good republics are governed by a small conference of elites ? much as the southern states are governed. Only a control few in North are truly granted consent ? consent government is the equal of anarchy (243-246). slavery Goodfollowing Aristotelian and variantical exposit, certain men are by nature superior ? they are meant to rule and be master. The mass of men are meant to be slaves. Any idea of equality is false, men are not by nature equal, some men set about genius dapple most men mediocre. This is sure as shooting dead on target when canvass cleans to negroes, or when comparing laborers to capitalistics. The purpose of society is to domiciliate not liberty, which sees the destruction of men in a Hobbesian state of war, but to provide security to men, which demands a state of slaver.Only a handful of men are meant to rule the notion of self-determination has been tossed out the window ? the masses are not rival to rule, or even to be consulted as to rule. Men of genius are fit to command, the masses are meant for imitation and slavery mediocrity moldiness(prenominal) be ?chained down?. ?Liberty for the few, slavery for the masses? (63). elite groups should rule, and visit strict restrictions on liberty for the entertainion of society. Elites certainly possess liberty ? the liberty to govern men to provide for their crush interests. The ruling class takes upon themselves the making of all purposes as to the best interest of the peck. Men perplex a natural unspoiled to be ?taken care of and saved? ? i.e. to be slaves. Only one man in twenty is fit ?for liberty and command? (67-69)It is the duty of society to protect the weak thus it is the duty of society to enslave the weak. Blacks are weak because they lack the firer to nourish themselves in infirmity, and that they lack the wits and abilities to survive in give up challenger (187). Liberty is a terrible thing for blacks they must be protected by the institution of slavery. The competitive, individualistic state of nature a state of war and the masses are not fit for competition. subscript men must be protected by elites, this can only be done when they stoop all their ?liberty? to masters ? that is, submit to slavery. Scripture detains slavery, recognizing that slavery is ?promotive of men?s happiness and social welfare?, and instills righteousity (30). Slavery is a police institution, protecting slaves from the tyranny of husbands and parents. The tidings defends the institution of white slavery, thus it must be either untrue, or else slavery is an absolute rock-steady and not a violation of natural liberty (if such a thing even exists). Fitzhugh supports the notion that slavery is an absolute good. Slavery serves to make men moral and intelligent, and is preserved by a love of the slave for his master and the master for his slave. Slavery promotes the good of the slaves, because masters love their slaves as they love their families whereas there is no such attachment among laborers and capitalists (200-206). A society based upon slavery is necessity to protect men from a Hobbesian ?war of all against all? liberty is unsuitable as it allow for bring harm to the weak (218-19). Slavery serves the best interest of the slaves ? a society based on liberty and competition would overwhelm them, much worse than a kind, winning master would. Elite masters lead protect, teach, and ensure the morals of the masses.Poor better polish off in Aristocracy/Feudalism than LiberalismFitzhugh teaches that the feudal state was superior to the modern state in protecting the interests of the masses ? i.e. the poor. He believes grey society is akin to the feudal society, and thus superior to the Northern way of doing things.The Reformation, in trying to grant liberty to the mass, in reality harmed the poor. The institutions of aristocracy, feudal ism, and church power over land protected the poor and provided them ?true liberty.? By attacking these institutions, the reformers ?impaired the moral, faceual, and physical advantageously-organism? of the masses (107). ? at that place was no pauperization in Europe until feudal slavery was abolished? (210). Feudal lords protected their serfs and provided for their look ats. In the modern state, competition leads to nothing but the oppression of the weak by the strong. The rise of modern science teaches that men have a right to private judgment this leads to the concept of human individuality and to the notion of a social contract. Doctrines of Laissez-Faire, free speech and press, human equality, and liberty of action accrue from this notion. This philosophy results in ?the supreme sovereignty of the individual, and the abnegation of government? (53). All power is deferred from government to individual men given Fitzhugh?s fool of natural elites, it is his contention that th e few will dominated, and destroy, the many.Fitzhugh decries the abolitionist movement as in choose of abolishing all institutions, not just slavery, in favor of individual rule. Abolitionism mean the abolition of government, of marriage, of family, of church, and of prop (85). It is this characterization of abolitionism that turn ups ?the failure of free society?, thus free institutions, liberty under justice, does nothing to promote the public good (99-100). The right of private judgment leads to the institution of ?no government (132). ?All modern philosophy converges to a single eyeshade ? the overthrow of all government? (190). Liberty demands the end of private airscrew the socialists recognize that this is the logical end to modern liberalism ? they are either right, and all must be abolished, or liberalism is wrong and liberty is undesirable (222). Fitzhugh, as stated previously, believes the latter liberty is destructive of security for the masses. Only elites should be granted liberty ? the liberty to rule over and enslave the masses in order to protect them.Comparison of North and SouthHaving give that modern liberalism is based on f integrityed logic, and that slavery is an absolute good, Fitzhugh seeks to evince that Confederate institutions are superior to Northern capitalism. In the South, slaves are well provided for by kindly, loving masters, while in the North, mesh labor is set appallingly by wealthy elites. That is, he has first attacked the ideology basis Northern thought, and is now attacking the institutions of the North, in defense of grey slavery.Southern slavery is superior to Northern capitalism. Slaves ?keep more of the products of their labor? than pay laborers and slave masters care for the needs of slaves far beyond what capitalist ever would do. White ?slave-holding? is characterized by making others work for you, and paying as little as possible while Southern slave masters work ?as hard as their slaves.? Negro s laves are happier and freer than wage-laborers northern whites are slaves to money, their liberty trammel by their need for wages. The northern capitalist realises ill treatment of labor as a ?moral good? and thus cannibalism is the name of the game. Slave masters do not applaud the luxury of northern capitalists they must labor with their slaves to preserve their estates. Slave masters protect and improve the conditions of the slaves, by ?enforcing morality? and educating them by merely being around them (15-30). Men are happier in slave states than in the North they are well cared for and not starving (234). Fitzhugh?s contention is that Southern slave masters must work to maintain their estates as slaves are fail of their household, their interests lie in the protection and well being of slaves. The natural relationship of master and slave is similar to that of the family, masters are loving toward their slaves ? which is evident in the kindness of Southern slave masters. No rthern capitalists hope nothing but to profit by the exploitation of laborers. Southern slave masters exhibit kindness for the slaves, educate them and teach them morals, and protect them as any natural aristocrat would.Fitzhugh?s analysis of the Southern slave holder, or of Northern capitalism, may not be an accurate portraying of 19th century life, but it is based more on political theory than on current events. Fitzhugh maintains than natural aristocrats, elites blessed with superior cognition and abilities, must govern the mass of men for their own protection. Self-government and liberty harm the masses and undermine security liberty is reserved for the elites, puritanic institutions are superior to democratic. Slavery is warrant, not as a necessary unholy, but an absolute good, as slavery allows masters to protect and provide for the well-being of slaves. Northern capitalism, based on liberal traditions, exploits the masses, and has failed. The only hop on for liberalis m is, as socialists and abolitionists advocate, the destruction of government, prop, family, and all institutions ? which will only lead to great oppression. The only solution is slavery ? allowing elites to rule over slaves.This serves in sharp-worded contrast to capital of Nebraska, who holds the Declaration and the principles of Locke and the knowledgeability fathers as absolutely good. Slavery is evil in that it denies equality and liberty to all men. Slavery has been tolerated only as a necessary evil. Freedom is always preferable to freedom, lookless of able ability.capital of NebraskaAbraham capital of Nebraska?s speeches and public documents can best be characterized by two key tendencies. First, capital of Nebraska, in the wake of radicals (such as Fitzhugh) in the South and in the North in abolitionists, takes a position that is twain moderate, and based on hardheaded concerns. Second, and building upon his pragmatism, capital of Nebraska points to the principles o f the founding fathers, i.e. the spirit of the Declaration of Independence, and the supremacy of the Constitution in justifying his positions.Lincoln?s proposed limits on the expansion of slavery into territories is a moderate position based on his surviveance to abolition ? both for practical reasons and because of the views of the founders, and his view that slavery is a wrong ? based on the principle of equality and natural right espoused in the Declaration. Lincoln?s speak to to the slavery issue, and the preservation of the nitty-gritty, plant his belief in moderate, gradual, and legal approaches to the problems, as well as his achievement commitment to the ideals of the framers of the Constitution.Spirit of Founders ? Liberty and EqualityLincoln believes that the US is a truly great experiment that will demonstrate that a people can govern themselves. To demonstrate the success of such principles, the Union must be preserved. (Address to Young Men?s Lyceum, 1838). Slavery undermines the example of the notion of self-government, denying the republicanism of US institutions to a substantial proportion of the population. Both enemies of free institutions and true advocates of freedom will point to the US example as insincere ( delivery on Kansas-Nebraska Act, 1854). No founding father denied that the Negro was to be include in the Declaration of Independence. ?Inferior races? are equal in regard to natural rights (Fifth Lincoln Douglas Debate, 1858).Lincoln believes strongly that the privileges of government, and the notion of self-government should be extended to all who pay taxes or serve ? i.e. all white men and women (Letter to the Sangamo Journal, 1836). Lincoln mocks the view of Stephen Douglas and other Democrats on their notion of self-government. Lincoln claims self-government is the right of the people to govern themselves while characterizing Douglas? view of self-government as the right of a man to enslave another without interference. Thu s, prevalent sovereignty becomes ?the right of people to govern niggers? (?House Divided? Speech, 1857 Speech at Edwardsville, IL, 1858). Liberty refers to the right of each man to do with his tree trunk and the products of his labor what he will (Lockean and Jeffersonian principles), not the right ?for some men to do as they please with other men, and the product of other men?s labor? (Address at Sanitary Fair, 1864). Lincoln reaffirms the notion of the natural rights over life, liberty, and property, and attacks the premise that men should naturally rule over other men ? equating this feudal, classical notion with Douglas and the Democrats.Slavery, for Lincoln, is an absolute wrong, not such more in the moral terms of abolitionists, but in the principles of the founders. Slavery violates the principle of civil liberty of the Declaration. Lincoln maintains that there is no moral right for one man to enslave another (Speech on Kansas-Nebraska Act, 1854). The founders, and the spir it of the Declaration, abhorred slavery as an institution, but accepted in as a necessity. Lincoln attacks the view that slavery is right in principle. He contrasts, in opposition to Fitzhugh, northern laborers and slaves northern laborers may work for wage one year, may work for themselves another, and may hire others to work for him in another. Northern laborers are free to choose their occupation, to acquire wealth, and to improve their condition. Slaves are denied this liberty. (Speech at Kalamazoo Michigan, 1856). while Lincoln denied that Negroes were equal in intellect and moral attributes to whites, he rigorously defends their equality of rights. Lincoln defends the natural right of blacks, and specifically, their right to ?life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness? as written in the Declaration (Speech on the Dred Scott Decision, 1857). ?There is no reason in the world why the Negro is not entitled to all the natural rights enumerated in the Declaration of Independence, the right to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness (First Lincoln Douglas Debate, 1858). Lincoln holds that slavery is not ?better than freedom? and that government was created to secure the blessing of freedom ? for all men (Speech at Edwardsville, IL, 1858). The Declaration and Constitution, while securing property rights, suppose ?superior reverence to personal rights.? Individual liberty trumps property rights ? the right of a man to be free is greater than the right of a man to hold another man as property (Letter to Henry Pierce and Others, 1859).For Lincoln, the founders held the principles of liberty and equality dear, and applied them to all men. Slavery undermines these principles, and was only tolerated for the necessity of the institution in Southern states the founders intended for the containment, and eventual, gradual extermination of slavery. These principles of the American founding provide the ultimate example for the world of a nation build on liberty and self-government. Should the American experiment fail, the cause of freedom would bide a great setback. Thus, from his exemplifying the ideal of the founders, Lincoln derives his approach to the slavery issue and the view of the impressiveness of the preservation of the Union.Moderation of approachLincoln?s approach to issues, while building on the ideological punctuate of the founders, is strictly pragmatic. Lincoln still maintains that slavery is a necessary evil, and believes that only moderate approaches, not radical change will be effective. Slavery can only be abolished gradually, and can only be limited from expansion at present. Moderation is necessary to preserve the Union.Lincoln responds to radicals from both the South, but particularly the North (see for in berth Thoreau and Emerson), that government serves the purpose both of redressing wrongs, and providing public goods. That is government serves needs that individual persons cannot provide for themselves, but not mo re than that ?that if all men were just, there would still be some, though not so much, need of government? (Fragment on Government, 1854?).The rule of justness is a reproducible theme in Lincoln?s writings. When the practice of law is ignored, and people lose attachment to government, civil society breaks down. Lincoln denounces riffraff rule and articulates the view that the ?sober judgment of butterflys? should govern. Bad laws do exist, and should be repealed, but until they are, they must be respected. Rule of mobs is detrimental to society and will tear apart any government (Address to Young Men?s Lyceum, 1838). His approach to slavery is constrained by law ? using ?every constitutional method? to prevent the spread of slavery. (Speech at Edwardsville, IL, 1858). Lincoln?s view on the Dred Scott decision demonstrates this view ? he claims not to resist the decision, but that the decision has not become ?settled? as causation yet (Speech on the Dred Scott Decision, 1857). Lincoln does not hold the Dred Scott decision to be binding, or ?the word of the Lord?, but that it may yet be reversed.? His approach to the Dred Scott case is to acknowledge it as law, but to attempt through legal means, to reverse it and reduce its applicability to other cases (First Lincoln Douglas Debate, 1858). onrush to SlaveryLincoln?s positions on the current laws and the Dred Scott ruling demonstrate his commitment to the spirit of the Founding and his moderate, pragmatic approach. Lincoln advocates neither the conterminous abolition of slavery (prior to the war), nor resistance to the interpretation of the court ? but only to attempt to change the law through political solutions.Lincoln?s approach to slavery concurs with the abolitionists on some points, but with the Southern interests on others. Lincoln supports the Fugitive Slave Law and contradictory abolition of slavery in Southern states (prior to the civilized War), but opposes the prolongation of slavery in US territories. In this approach, he acknowledges the necessity of preserving slavery slavery has been introduced in the South, and the Southern states are dependent upon it, slavery is a necessary evil. Likewise, Lincoln points to the founders in his position the founders acknowledged the necessity of slavery, but wished for its gradual extinction. The founders, alike Lincoln, could not immediately eliminate the practice of slavery where it existed (the South) but assay to limit it to where it currently was, banning the African Slave trade and contend the extension to new territories. Thus, slavery was tolerated, but only in that it was necessary, and ultimately, wrong (Speech on Kansas-Nebraska Act, 1854). Slavery is viewed by Southerners in terms of dollars and cents, the institution is justified only as what it means for their economy (Speech at Kalamazoo Michigan, 1856).Lincoln believes he cannot, under the constitution, nor should not for pragmatic reasons, interfere with sla very in Southern states (First Lincoln Douglas Debate, 1858). Lincoln?s singular tool for opposition of the extension of slavery is for Congress to prohibit slavery in all the US Territories . Thus, the territories, when applying for statehood, may choose whether to permit slavery, without being corrupted and dependent upon slavery. Likewise, in the District of Columbia, slavery should only be abolished gradually, with the majority of the residents consenting, and with compensation for owners (Second Lincoln Douglas Debate, 1858). Though the federal government has the prerogative to prevent the extension of slavery into federal territories, the institution of slavery within the states of the south remains a state issue (Address at Cooper Institute, 1860). Similarly, Lincoln does not support Negro citizenship ? i.e. allowing blacks to vote, serve on juries, etc, but merely the natural rights (as opposed to civil rights) that the Declaration declares for all men (Fourth Lincoln Dougla s Debate, 1858). Lincoln believes that abolition of slavery will occur slowly, and only at the prerogative of states. During the obliging War, Lincoln advocates for the plans to abolition slavery in the border states, but only gradually, with compensation for slave holders, and at the direction of the states ( heart to Congress, 1862 Appeal for Compensated Emancipation, 1862 yearbook Message to Congress, 1862).Lincoln believes the founders view has been abandoned the founders held a principle of ?the equality of all men?, and began ?practical progress toward the equality of all men.? The view of all men as equal had been replace by the view that ?all states are equal?. (Speech at a Republican fete in Chicago, 1856). The alteration of laws since the founding, and particularly the Dred Scott decision, have continued to restrict the rights of blacks. Freed slaves have lost the right to vote they once had in several states, and constraints on emancipation of slave owners have made co ntinual bondage closely unalterable. ?Our Declaration of Independence ? is assailed, and sneered at, and construed, and hawked at, and torn, till, if its framers could rise from their graves, they could not recognize it at all? (Speech on the Dred Scott Decision, 1857).Lincoln?s fear is that a ?second Dred Scott decision? will declare that slavery cannot be banned by any state. This fear is based on the nature of the Dred Scott ruling that the right of property in a slave is affirmed in the Constitution, and that no laws may destroy the right of property in a slave. If these two expound are true, then states cannot ban slavery within their limits without violating the Constitution. However, Lincoln holds that these premises are false that the Constitution does not affirm the right of property in a slave as demonstrated above, Lincoln holds that the framers permitted slavery only as a necessity where it was already long-established. Lincoln?s approach to this disagreement with the court was political ? the ?second Dred Scott? decision will never occur if the Republican Party is elected, but will certainly occur if the Democrats retain power. Thus via election, the Republicans can affect the makeup of the court and maintain the vision of the founders (Fifth Lincoln Douglas Debate, 1858).Thus, in his approach to the Slavery issue, Lincoln reaffirms his commitment to the intent of the founders, as well as the moderation of his approach, consistent within legal bounds and pragmatic concerns.Preservation of the UnionWhile Lincoln maintains that he has no desire to interfere with slavery in Southern states, he does mandate the use of force to preserve the Union.The Union of the United States is ?perpetual?. No government ever has in its law a means for its extermination. The Constitution serves to make a ?more completed union? secession of states is inconsistent with the Constitution. The minority has no right to splinter from the government, or else the governme nt serves no real purpose, and can never be maintained ? it devolves to anarchy. Lincoln maintains that the laws of the Union must be executed throughout the States, thus justifying the use of force to execute the laws (First Inaugural Address, 1861). States have lieu only ?in the Union?, not as separate institutions. There exists no principal by which the states may secede from the Union. States remain part of the United States, and thus it the duty of the federal government to uphold the law and ?republican form of government? within the states? (Special Message to Congress, 1861).Lincoln articulates the need for war based upon these principles of preserving the union. The importance of a perpetual, democratic nation is the crux of his justification of military action. The Civil War is to ensure ?that government of the people, by the people, and for the people shall not perish from the earth? (Gettysburg Address, 1863). ?The nation is worth rubbish for, to preserve such an ines timable jewel? (Speech to 166th Ohio Regiment, 1864). Thus Lincoln reverts to the importance of the principles of liberty, equality, and self-government of the founding, and the importance of the continuation of the democratic experiment.Lincoln?s wartime approach to slavery continues his tendency toward the founding principles and toward moderation. He proposes first that slavery, as a necessary evil, be abolished only gradually (at one point stating over 37 years), with compensation, and at the direction of states (Message to Congress, 1862 Appeal for Compensated Emancipation, 1862 Annual Message to Congress, 1862). His Emancipation Proclamation abolishes slavery only in areas that are in rebellion against the Union ? thus serving military goals of winning the war more than a goal of immediate abolition. Lincoln later support a Constitutional Amendment prohibiting slavery as, in his view, the only way to ensure the continual preservation of the United States is to eliminate the ca use for civil war. Thus, choppy elimination of slavery serves the pragmatic concern of preservation of the Union (Reply to mission of National Union Convention, 1864 Proclamation Concerning Reconstruction 1864).Like he pre-presidency stance on slavery, Lincoln?s desire to preserve the Union and his actions during the Civil War demonstrate his commitment to the founders? principles of liberty, equality, and republican government as well as his pragmatism. The Union is worth fighting for, as the principles of the founders must sojourn in a ?perfect.? Lincoln?s actions toward slavery reflect his belief in the validity of the Constitution and his pragmatism. Initially indicating the desire for gradual abolition of slavery in border states, and at state prerogative demonstrate his belief in the limits of the Constitution and the consistency of moderation in his aim mirroring the pragmatic approach of the Emancipation Proclamation. His eventual belief that slavery must be exterminated nationally only evolves from his commitment to the preservation of the union, and the pragmatic belief that the Union can only ensure its perpetuality if slavery, and the conflict adjoin it, is ended for all time.